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Is Neymar negro? Brazil and the captious relativization of race – Leão Alves

Neymar in a match of the Brazilian National Team against South Africa in 2016.

Thousands of African-descendants have suffered systematic ethnic cleansing in Brazil through the action of white leftists, but negrismo is more concerned with bringing foreigners such questions as: “Neymar is black?”

Knowing the reality of a foreign country brings certain difficulties, especially when you do this only as a reader. Fundamental information may not be explicit, can be omitted, or the author presents a committed view that sacrifices reality. The article “Is Neymar Black? Brazil and the Painful Relativity of Race,” by Cleuci de Oliveira, published in The New York Times, serves as an example.

When it comes to ethnic and racial issues in Brazil, some facts need to be known.

When, in 1,500, ships filled with Portuguese whites arrived in America, the foreshadowing of the miscegenation with the natives was immediate: the scrivener Pero Vaz de Caminha in his letter to the king of Portugal informing about the arrival, highlights the appearance of an Amerindian woman:

“And one of those girls was all tinged with that tincture from the bottom up; and it was certain that she was so well-made and so round, and her shame (she had not) so gracious that the many women of our land, seeing such features, would be ashamed for not having theirs like her. “

Another factor favored miscegenation. There was relatively little immigration of white women to Brazil, especially in the 19th century, and the rule was that the Portuguese whites united with Amerindian women, even by Christian marriage, giving birth to the first native mestizos of the country, the caboclos.

During the colonial period, these marriages were encouraged both by the Portuguese government and by many Amerindian leaders. It is from this miscegenation that the Brazilian identity was formed as distinct from the Portuguese.

The image of a Brazil formed basically by whites, blacks and mulattoes was promoted especially from the beginning of the 20th century; the mestizaje between Amerindians and whites, however, was earlier and broader, reaching the whole national territory, to which was mixed mestizaje with black Africans, so that the Brazilian mulatto is, except for some rare exception, also descended from Amerindians.

From this image of mulatto Brazil, the negristas – most of them white leftist politicians and academics descended from immigrants – seek to establish the image of a black and white Brazil, erasing the mestizo people. Mestizo in the meaning of a person of any mixing of races. Mixed race, multiracial, coloured are most often used to refer to mestizos in English-speaking countries.

African blacks only came to Brazil in 1549. This has a very simple explanation: the importation of African slaves only became interesting to the settlers when they had already established a large enough economy to employ them.

Thus, cafuzos (mestizos of black and Amerindian) and mulattoes were generated after the caboclos and predominantly in localities where docked slave ships (navios negreiros) in the Northeast and Southeast of the country.

Currently, most mestizos descend from the three founding races of the Brazilian people.

Four States in Brazil – Amazonas, Mato Grosso, Paraíba and Roraima – recognize the Mestizo People as a native ethnicity and Mestizo Day (Dia do Mestiço) is celebrated on June 27, including holidays in some cities.

According to data from the official 2010 Census, more than 58% of the country’s black self-declared population live in only four States – Bahia, São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro and Minas Gerais – that form a continuous band half to 23 other units of the Federation; all four located on the eastern face of Brazil, facing the Atlantic Ocean and Africa. As it heads West, the presence of self-declared blacks decreases. This population of black color is, also, almost in its totality miscegenated, that is, it is of mestizos of black color, not people of black race.

Mestizo is not a race, it is a mixture of races; may have ethnic identity, not necessarily a pattern of appearance.

As a mestizo is defined by mixed origins, when a Brazilian identifies another Brazilian as mulatto or black he is almost always referring to appearance not to a race.

Why, then, does this image of a Brazil divided between white and black races have been propagandized today when the reality is of a country fundamentally made up of Mestizos descended from Amerindians, whites and blacks?

One of the reasons is that most of the country’s major political, economic, academic, press centers are located in São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, where the main nuclei of the country’s negro movements are found, as a rule politically left, multiculturalist, with agendas in line with parties, governments and NGOs from Brazil and abroad. These movements have an African supremacist and imperialist flag and the aim is to make mestizos classified as negro (exactly, negro, not black), including those who do not descend from blacks.

And to understand how this happens – and how it is camouflaged in the English-language media directed at foreign readers – it is also fundamental to know the racial classification in the official Brazilian national censuses.

The Brazilian census currently adopts the following ‘color/race’ categories: indígena (‘indigenous’), branca (‘white’), parda (‘mestizo’), preta (‘black’) and amarela (‘yellow’). The Brazilian census does not adopt and never adopted, from the first census, of 1872, the category ‘negro’, but ‘black’ and never blacks and mulatoes or cafuzos were counted together in the Brazilian censuses.

One possible reason for this is that the term negro also means slave and the first census was carried out before the abolition of slavery. Amerindians enslaved in Brazil were called ‘negros of the land’ (negros da terra) and slave traders and ships carrying slaves were called negreiros, so the term negra in a census would cast doubt on whether the interviewer asked about race or slave status .

Negro and black, however, in Brazil became synonymous terms and no Brazilian when he hears someone referring to a negro man or a black man will think of someone with a clear skin, except some negrista.

For mestizos (caboclos, cafuzos, mulattoes or another one), the Brazilian census adopts the category parda, which was present in all Brazilian national censuses, except in 1891, when it was replaced by mestiça (‘mestizo’).

Negristas have been pressing for Brazilian censuses to do what racists have been able to do in the US regarding blacks and mulattos: to exclude the mestizo and black options and replace them with negro. They have not yet succeeded, but they have created a law, the Racial Equality Statute, to the applause of the country’s and UN human rights institutions, classifying blacks and mestizos as negros. Soon, from that point on the negro propaganda went on to say that it was only saying what the law already said. Subtlety is the soul of the business.

And here there is another: although in the English language there is the word ‘negro’, in its articles, the negrista media translates the word negro from Portuguese to ‘black’ and not to ‘negro’.

The title of the article, “Is Neymar Black?”, thus, brings a question that would not even be made by the negristas in Brazil.

If they did, here they would ask – just for article title -, “Is Neymar Negro?”

They would not do this by a simple option for a synonym for ‘black’, but for the purpose of erasing the mestizo identity, including the caboclos, and to couple all the mestizos to a negro unit.

They would do this only for the title of article, since they do not consult the mestizos if they identify themselves or not as negros; this is a question and answer that the negristas reserve for themselves, because they deny that the mestizos exist as their own identity – and one does not ask something to those who do not exist, except to embellish discourse.

It is also important to know that the mestizaje in Brazil among the three races was so broad in the colonial period that possibly all descendants of the white colonizing population currently make up the mixed population, the same being true of the descendants of the black population brought by the slave traders and the Amerindians.

The country’s current white population is basically descended from the immigrants who arrived in the country after independence in 1822, and who came to inhabit mainly the South and Southeast regions of the country. They now have great political power, including in the leftist parties, whose white intellectuals were fundamental in the idealization of negrismo.

Negrismo, however, presents itself as a critic of the white power in the country, a criticism directed to whites of the past and to the right of the present.

The imposition of negro identity on the mestizos implanted in Brazil was idealized and transformed into a law by white politicians, without which their approval would not have been possible. Negligence, veiled intimidation and parliamentary maneuvers that avoided a vote in plenary were part of this legalization. This type of project is one that many parliamentarians believe that if they do not vote, opposing it can cause them to suffer retaliation, especially during the Lula and Dilma governments.

Leftist white support has its roots in immigration, which began in the 19th century. Although white immigrants and their descendants were integrated in their absolute majority to Brazilian nationality, including by mestization, there were those who were averse to integration and who, with the current Federal Constitution of 1988, found in the policies of ethnic elimination of mestizos a space to promote their own racial and ethnic preservation in relation to other Brazilians, especially non-whites.

According to the author of the article,

“Because Brazil never had an apartheid system like South Africa, or a ban on mixed-race marriages like America, went the argument, a spirit of warm relations blossomed across racial divides”.

Brazil did not have a System identical to South African apartheid, but the legislation in the current Constitution of the country bears similarities to that.

The anthropologist Darcy Ribeiro, an indigenist and leftist who participated as a parliamentarian in drafting and approving the current Constitution, praised apartheid as an ideology that valued diversity,

“Whoever removes the alternate and puts him in the greatest possible distance, admits that he keeps his identity there, far from being himself. Consequently, it induces the deep internal solidarity of the discriminated group, which enables it to fight clearly for its rights without admitting paternalism.”

An argument also adopted by Hendrik Verwoerd, the founder of apartheid:

“There is thus no policy of oppression here, but one of creating a situation which has never existed for the Bantu; namely, that, taking into consideration their languages, traditions, history and different national communities, they may pass through a development of their own. That opportunity arises for them as soon as such a division is brought into being between them and the Europeans that they need not be the imitators and henchmen of the latter.”

In addition to exclusive territories for Amerindians – with ethnic cleansing of mestizos and other non-Amerindians -, territories for negros were also implanted and the Workers’ Party even presented a project to create “cultural territories” for descendants of immigrants based on the principle of preservation of racial identity.

“Never mind that Brazil was the last country in the Americas to abolish slavery in 1888; or that after abolition, the ruling class mounted a campaign to whiten the majority-black population, by fully subsidizing the immigration of over four million white Europeans, giving them free land, and compelling Brazilians to take up with them”, affirms the journalist.

The official censuses do not confirm this. In Brazil, according to the 1872 census, there were 38.3% of pardos, 38.1% of whites, 19.7% of blacks and 3.9% of indigenous. Also the policy of encouraging white immigration preceded the abolition of slavery, having been initiated at the beginning of the 19th century. In the 2010 census, whites made up 47.7% of the population, mestizos 43.1% and blacks 7.6%.

According to the last census, whites were once again a minority. The columnist writes that mixed marriages, however, are numerically insignificant among the richest whites.

Exactly after this percentage reduction of whites, Brazilian legislation was modified to encourage a new wave of immigration, some government representatives seeing this change as a great opportunity to bring European whites under the argument of winning “skilled labor”, the same argument using in the 19th century.

Significantly, it has been the mestizo movement that has been manifested against; the negristas prefer to attack the past.

To classify all pardos as negro, however, may be inconvenient for negristas in some situations. The reserve of vacancies in universities and public jobs also aim to occupy these spaces ideologically.

“And the mechanisms put in place to curb potential fraud, predominantly in the form of in-person interviews with government-appointed anti-racism experts, have proved cumbersome at best and counterproductive at worst,” says the journalist.

The “anti-racism” experts are usually negristas and the interview itself shows something that a foreign reader must know. As stated above, Brazilian censuses have never adopted the term negro. The negristas then were able to approve a law, the Statute of Racial Equality, that classifies as negro the self-declared pardos and blacks under the Brazilian census.

It happens that the Brazilian census only adopts self-declaration. The negristas then ignored this detail and created laws to judge who is negro or not.

In short, for them every mestizo should be treated systematically as negro, unless he wants to compete for a racial quota. This mestizo that is rejected as negro, however, can not have its own identity, should remain in a limbo and be used in the interests of the negristas.

Negrismo is linked to globalism. The goal is to eliminate national sovereignty by eliminating national identity. Mestization unifies and globalists want to internally fragment nations. The Mestizo is unification.

Negrismo is just another example of how with much propaganda and economic support an unsubstantiated claim can win appearance of truth – just appearance.

Leão Alves is physician and former president of the Movimento Pardo-Mestiço Brasileiro (Nação Mestiça).

Posted in Artigos, Leão Alves.


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